A Long and Windy Post on Richard Posner
It looks like Richard Posner is now hawking his blame-the-guvmint thesis over at Andrew Sullivan’s blog:
The low interest rates of the early 2000s pushed up housing prices both directly and indirectly. Directly by reducing the cost of housing debt–and housing as I mentioned in my last entry is bought mainly with debt. Indirectly by pushing up the value of common stocks. The low interest rates, as I said, caused asset-price inflation.
…
[T]he basic fault lies with the Federal Reserve in having pushed interest rates too far down, and kept them too far down for too long, during the early 2000s, and with the dismantling of regulatory controls that had formerly reduced the incentive and ability of banks to lend into a bubble.
I’ve talked about it before, but I want to come back to Posner because I’ve pretty well convinced myself that his thesis is going to be the standard conservative explanation for the economic crisis going forward—if and when, that is, they get their intellectual act together. I mean, let’s face it: it sort of has to be, since it’s the only halfway cogent explanation they’ve offered.
The problem, of course, is that Posner’s thesis is only halfway cogent. Posner is right about two things: he’s right that low interest rates helped create the housing bubble, and he’s right that “the Federal Reserve pushed interest rates too far down, and kept them down for too long.” But the story he tells about the origins of the crisis err in two important ways.
His first error is to misunderstand the role played by the financial industry in helping to create the housing bubble. He argues that
banks, including mortgage banks, being able to borrow capital at low rates, for lending, were eager to encourage borrowing by relaxing their credit standards. So people who could not have qualified for a mortgage at any interest rate earlier were now able to borrow at affordable rates.
If the Germanic syntax of that first sentence throws you, let me offer an English paraphrase: banks had access to cheap money from the Fed, and so they encouraged people to borrow that money by relaxing their credit standards. In short, Posner would have us believe that the Fed’s low interest rates somehow or other caused (or prompted or encouraged) banks to ease their lending requirements.
The illogic of this thought should be apparent, but let me spell it out anyway. It’s true that low interest rates and easy lending standards were both inducements for consumers, and both therefore contributed to the housing bubble. But the cheap money that banks were getting from the Fed had no causal relationship to the relaxation of credit standards. Let me say it again: the one had nothing to do with the other. Alan Greenspan and the Fed Open Market Committee dropped interest rates after the dot-com bubble burst to try to engineer a “soft landing” for the economy. But the relaxation of lending standards occurred for other reasons entirely.
The market for what we used to call mortgage derivatives and now mostly call toxic assets (these include mortgage-backed securities [MBS] and especially collateralized-debt obligations [CDO]) boomed in the 1990s and early 2000s. This boom created a demand for mortgages that could not be satisfied as long as mortgages were doled out under the old judicious standards. Here’s how the anonymous hedge fund manager that n+1 interviewed last year put it:
It’s kind of an interesting interaction in the sense that a lot of this mortgage project was almost created by the bid for the CDO paper rather than the reverse. I mean, the traditional way to think about financing is “OK, I find an investment opportunity, that on its face, I think, is a good opportunity. I want to deploy capital on that opportunity. Now I go look for funding. So I think that making mortgage loans is a good investment, so I will make mortgage loans. Then I will seek to fund those, to fund that activity, by perhaps issuing CDO paper, issuing the triple-A, double-A, A, and down the chain.” But what happened is, you had the creation of so many vehicles designed to buy that paper, the triple-A, the double-A, all the CDO paper… that the dynamic flipped around. It was almost as if the demand for that paper created the mortgages.
Writing in the NYRB, Jeff Madrick echoed the diagnosis, and pegged the financial incentive for banks to originate new mortgages at half to one percent of the total loan—easy money if you know you have someone on the other end who needs more mortgages to stuff into their new CDO:
For the banks and mortgage brokers who wrote the mortgage loans, the financial advantage was significant. They could now sell the mortgages they wrote almost immediately to packagers, often investment banks, earning a quick and very handsome fee—one half to 1 percent of the value of the mortgage—in the process. By selling the mortgage loans, the banks did not have to maintain capital requirements for those loans, requirements that were imposed internationally by the Bank for International Settlements in the 1990s. The banks and mortgage brokers were then free to make still more loans with the cash they got back from selling the packaged mortgages and quickly to earn another round of fees.
The upshot of all this is that it was the demand for mortgages created by the secondary (derivative/MBS/CDO) market—and not, as Posner suggests, the Federal Reserve’s low interest rates—that caused banks and mortgage brokers to lower their lending standards. Which means that the financial industry was as much to blame for inflating the housing bubble as the Fed.
The second problem with Posner’s diagnosis of the crisis is that he thinks it’s all about the housing bubble. He calls it “central to our current economic troubles.” That’s true, but it’s not sufficient. The housing bubble is central to the current crisis because that’s where the crisis first began. But as Posner should know, housing bubbles show up all the time without causing the kind of damage to the real economy that we’re seeing right now.
What Posner doesn’t seem to understand, even though he’s got all the pieces of the explanation laid out in front of him, is that the housing bubble was epiphenomenal to a credit bubble that had been building since the 1990s. That bubble inflated thanks to the so-called “risk revolution,” which was supposed to have brought with it very sophisticated means for evaluating, pricing, and managing risk. (Credit default swaps, which were everywhere in the news for about three months last fall, were part of this revolution, since they gave investors a way to make risky assets less risky.) When banks believed that they had a better handle on risk (and when the regulators believed them that they did) they became more eager to lend money.
The recession/depression were in right now is the direct result of the collapse of that credit bubble. Remember that as recently as last summer there were still many people (Ben Bernanke included) who believed that the troubles in the subprime mortgage market could be contained. The reason they believed that is not because they were hopelessly optimistic or deceitful. They believed it because they had not recognized the extent to which the troubles with real estate would throw into serious question the reliability of the instruments with which the risk revolution was achieved. As soon as those instruments proved fallible, credit evaporated and took the real economy with it.

