Kenya and the IRI: Tooting My Own Horn Edition
Nearly a year ago I commented on a Slate article that wondered why the International Republican Institute would withhold the results of an exit poll that suggested Raila Odinga had won the Kenyan presidential election. My guess:
The answer to Halperin’s question might therefore be depressingly simple: the IRI won’t release their polling data because they don’t want the wrong guy to win.
Now it looks like my supposition was right. Here are the key sections from Karen Rothmeyer’s “Meddling in Kenya” in The Nation:
The poll…showed that Odinga had bested Kibaki by an eight-point margin. This was in contrast to the official figures released later, amid chaos and allegations of rigging, that showed Kibaki winning by a two-point margin. Plans called for releasing the poll, the only one of its kind…the day after the election. But instead, IRI’s top Washington-based officials, claiming they had serious doubts about the poll’s validity, refused to make the results public. [IRI country director Ken] Flottman says he kept pressing for an answer as to why. “I was eventually told that it wasn’t in the best interest of IRI,” he says.
…
Why did US officials not take note of their own poll? Why did they in fact not just ignore it but suppress it? “The results were unpalatable,” says one high-level, non-American international official who declines to be identified because of the official’s continued working relationship with the US government.
See below the fold for the rest of the story.
More from Rothmeyer:
While I had only an outsider’s view of the election process, I, too, saw things that made me wonder. On December 17, little more than a week before the election, [U.S. Ambassador Michael] Ranneberger gave a curious interview to one of the major dailies. Despite having described corruption in Kenya as “like a cloud hanging over the nation” a few months after his arrival in 2006, and having told a university audience in mid-2007 that “not enough has been done to bring to justice those responsible for corruption,” he now claimed that corruption wasn’t a big deal after all. “I always point out that we have lots of corruption even in the US,” Ranneberger said breezily, mentioning Enron as an example.
Such incidents, in retrospect, were a portent of what was to happen to the exit poll IRI conducted on election day with the aid of a local polling firm, Strategic Public Relations and Research, assisted by polling experts from the University of California, San Diego. The poll–which asked voters whom they’d voted for–showed that Odinga had bested Kibaki by an eight-point margin. This was in contrast to the official figures released later, amid chaos and allegations of rigging, that showed Kibaki winning by a two-point margin. Plans called for releasing the poll, the only one of its kind (a second exit poll by a different organization was begun but not completed), the day after the election. But instead, IRI’s top Washington-based officials, claiming they had serious doubts about the poll’s validity, refused to make the results public. [IRI country director Ken] Flottman says he kept pressing for an answer as to why. “I was eventually told that it wasn’t in the best interest of IRI,” he says.
Ranneberger was given the poll results on the evening of election day, December 27. This was three days before the official announcement that Kibaki had won touched off weeks of rioting in which more than 1,000 Kenyans died and as many as 350,000 were made homeless. Nonetheless, Ranneberger went on to tell the Washington Post on December 31 that “the US would accept” the announcement that Kibaki had won, and the State Department congratulated Kibaki on his win–a position that it later retracted after the European Union raised concerns about election rigging.
Why did US officials not take note of their own poll? Why did they in fact not just ignore it but suppress it? “The results were unpalatable,” says one high-level, non-American international official who declines to be identified because of the official’s continued working relationship with the US government. The official adds that outside experts involved in the election process were trying to encourage “transparency and openness. Hiding information doesn’t conform to those principles.”
An even bigger issue is whether the exit poll’s release might have altered the outcome of the race. Njeri Kabeberi, head of the Center for Multiparty Democracy, a nonpartisan group that focuses on party building, says that if the results had been made public quickly “it would have made a big, big difference” by deterring vote tampering. That opinion is shared by many, but not all, outsiders. Tom Wolf, a US polling expert who lives in Kenya, says, “It would have fueled [Odinga's party's] claims to legitimacy, but Kibaki wouldn’t have given up without a fight.” Wolf, who consults for a rival firm to Strategic, also says he has some reservations about Strategic’s polling methods.
Flottman, for his part, continued to press for the poll’s release, even after he left the country at the expiration of his contract. “The fact is, it’s the only independent source of data” on the election, he says. And in the end, after the University of California polling experts made a public presentation on the data and methodology in Washington, IRI backed down on its earlier position. After what it described as an “extensive analysis” that reduced Odinga’s margin from eight to six points–still significantly larger than the poll’s margin of error of less than two points–it made the poll data public in August.
By then, it was way too late to make any difference: pushed by the international community, Odinga had dropped his insistence that he had won, and he and Kibaki had agreed to form a coalition government, with Odinga installed in the newly created and, as it quickly became apparent, relatively powerless job of prime minister.
